From Zan to Zan, Zendegi, Azadi: The Evolution of Womanhood and the Future of Iranian Citizenship

Zan Zendegi Azadi

From Zan to Zan, Zendegi, Azadi: The Evolution of Womanhood and the Future of Iranian Citizenship

Table of Contents

If Zan demands Zendegi and Azadi, she has carried the weight of hope and oppression for generations. Her journey is Iran’s civic journey.

While this article organizes historical shifts into eras defined by political rulers, this structure is meant primarily for chronological clarity. It does not suggest that social transformation originated only from above. Instead, the evolution of Zan—as both a lived experience and conceptual force—has often followed parallel trajectories in intellectual, cultural, and spiritual domains. It is crucial to recognize that change was not always top-down. Women’s movements, grassroots activism, and evolving philosophies of gender and justice frequently challenged, reshaped, or resisted dominant state paradigms.

This article follows two tracks: the evolution of ideas—philosophical, religious, and cultural conceptions of womanhood—and the evolution of institutions—laws, policies, and organizations that have shaped women’s lived realities. These tracks often move in tension, at times aligned and at other times diverging dramatically.

The framework draws in part on Abbas Amanat’s concepts of Birun (the outward, political, institutional realm) and Andarun (the inner, moral, cultural sphere), as well as his framing of Razm (force and confrontation) and Bazm (culture and civil expression). These dual spaces have long structured Iranian society and discourse, and the story of Zan plays out across both. Zan has been shaped by state law, public protest (Birun), poetry, spirituality, and private resistance (Andarun).

The slogan Zan, Zendegi, Azadi, rooted in the Kurdish feminist slogan Jin, Jiyan, Azadî, was reimagined in Persian as a universal call for dignity, life, and freedom. It transcended ethnic and gender boundaries and became a national anthem for change. In this moment, Zan no longer stood for state-defined morality or symbolic citizenship. She represented bodily autonomy, resistance to authoritarianism, and a new democratic imagination.

Awakening Voices, Emerging Visions

The Constitutional Revolution Era (1906–1925)

Following the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1911, in which women played a significant role, the concept of Zan as a civic subject emerged. Women demanded education, political participation, and inclusion in the emerging nation-state. Despite their exclusion in the 1911 election laws, which explicitly barred women from voting, the era saw the rise of women-run publications, clandestine societies, and a vibrant push for educational reform.

Progressive clerics and secular activists alike advocated for the establishment of girls’ schools, often facing intense resistance from conservative clergy. Periodicals written by and for women became hubs for political thought. Secret women’s unions advanced literacy and collective action. The concept of education evolved from a tool for better motherhood to a right linked to full civic participation.

Yet structural challenges remained. The absence of civil society infrastructure and deep patriarchal norms limited the impact of these early efforts. Nonetheless, the foundation for later demands had been laid.

Uniforms of Freedom, Costumes of Control

The Reza Shah Era (1925–1941)

Reza Shah’s modernization policies sought to Westernize and centralize Iran rapidly, and women’s emancipation was a symbolic pillar of this vision. Girls’ schools and female employment in state institutions were promoted. The 1936 Kashf-e Hijab (compulsory unveiling) law, however, became one of the most controversial reforms. It forcibly removed the veil in public spaces and criminalized veiling—a move intended to promote women’s public visibility but which instead alienated many religious and traditional communities.

The state also promoted organizations like Kanun-e Banovan to institutionalize women’s roles in national development. But these reforms were largely top-down and patriarchal in structure. Women’s voices were rarely central in policy formulation, and political freedoms were limited.

Although these changes expanded educational and occupational opportunities for women, they also deepened the cultural divide between secular elites and religious communities.

Promises and Paradoxes

The Mohammad Reza Shah Era (1941–1979)

Under Mohammad Reza Shah, the Pahlavi state continued the modernization drive with more legal reforms to expand women’s rights. Women gained the right to vote and run for office in 1963 as part of the White Revolution. The Family Protection Law of 1967 (revised in 1975) improved women’s legal standing in divorce, child custody, and limited polygamy. Family courts replaced clerical oversight on these matters.

Women entered public professions in greater numbers, including judgeships, education, diplomacy, and law. The Women’s Organization of Iran (WOI) advocated for equality within a nationalist and developmental framework. Their advocacy extended to research, social services, and family planning.

However, political repression limited independent civil society, and the state’s push for women’s rights often lacked deep democratic legitimacy. The perception of these reforms as state-imposed created a disconnect with many traditional Iranians.

Iranian women achieved unprecedented educational access, legal rights, and public visibility despite these limitations by the 1970s. Many joined the 1979 revolution with hopes for even greater equality and civic freedom.

Revolution and Retreat

The Islamic Republic Era (1979–1997)

The post-revolutionary era under Ayatollah Khomeini marked a dramatic reversal of many institutional gains for women. While women were celebrated for their revolutionary contributions, the emerging Islamic Republic enforced a conservative vision of gender based on traditional Islamic jurisprudence.

The Family Protection Law was repealed, women were barred from serving as judges, and compulsory hijab became law. The minimum age of marriage for girls was lowered to nine. Gender segregation intensified, and many women were purged from state positions.

Yet women retained the right to vote and run for parliament. Some reentered the political sphere, and the Iran-Iraq War further pulled women into public life, as nurses, organizers, and de facto heads of households.

By the 1990s, however, signs of ideological diversification appeared. Journals like Zanan and the rise of Islamic feminism offered internal critiques of the regime’s gender policies. These thinkers sought reinterpretations of religious texts to advocate for gender equality. The Office of Women’s Affairs was created, and policies emerged supporting women’s employment and education. Family planning programs succeeded, and more women entered universities.

Margins into Movements

The Reform to Protest Era (1997–2019)

President Khatami’s reformist era opened a new cultural and political space. Women’s magazines flourished, NGOs expanded, and female candidates gained election visibility. Legal reforms remained limited, but civil society reawakened.

The 2000s witnessed the rise of digital feminism and campaigns like “One Million Signatures,” which called for legal equality. While these movements were often met with suppression, they transformed public discourse.

Independent publications and exilic media outlets in the diaspora provided alternative spaces for feminist thought. From underground journals to satellite broadcasts and early digital platforms, these venues challenged official narratives and amplified the voices of women writers, artists, and activists. Documentary filmmakers, musicians, and bloggers also shaped narratives about women’s agency and civic participation across borders.

Although state policies remained patriarchal, women’s intellectual and artistic contributions to the civic imagination expanded. By 2019, with protests over economic hardship and political repression intensifying, women had become visible leaders in nearly every civic struggle.

The Cry That Shook the Silence

Zan, Zendegi, Azadi (2022–Present)

The killing of Mahsa Jina Amini in 2022 ignited one of the most significant protest movements in modern Iranian history. Led by women and youth, the Zan, Zendegi, Azadi uprising reframed the discourse of rights and dignity in universal terms. Veil resistance became a symbol not only of gender struggle but of civic refusal.

This moment was defined not by policy proposals but by profound ethical clarity: Zan demands Zendegi and Azadi because she has been denied all three. Art, dance, poetry, and martyrdom fused into a new language of protest. Women were no longer just demanding inclusion—they were redefining the terms of belonging.

Diaspora activism, social media, and global solidarity amplified this message. Yet the movement also prompted introspection: could gender become another axis of fragmentation, or might it become the basis for a more inclusive civic identity?

From Symbol to Citizen

Zan and the Future of Iranian Citizenship

While the evolution of Zan as an idea and institution is essential to understanding Iranian history, it also serves as a prism to view the country’s future. The Iran 1400 Project has long traced the intertwined intellectual development and institutional transformation paths. Few concepts better reflect that intersection than Zan.

From royal reforms to religious restrictions, and now to civic rupture, the changing image of womanhood has reflected the possibilities—and limitations—of Iranian political life. Today, the demand for women’s freedom is inseparable from the broader call for national renewal.

This renewal resonates with ongoing efforts to redefine freedom (Azadi) and citizenship in Iran’s civic discourse. As explored in “Azadi: The Evolution of Freedom in Iran,” freedom has historically been contested by state power, revolutionary movements, and civic actors. In today’s struggles, freedom is being reimagined as participatory and inclusive, shaped by the lived experience of citizens, especially women.

Similarly, the article “From Fragmentation to Citizenship” outlines a pathway for unifying Iran’s fragmented political, civic, and economic social spheres into a more coherent civic order. In this vision, Zan is not just a category of exclusion but a symbol of inclusive citizenship and active participation.

Another source of insight comes from the Bahá’í community in Iran, which, despite being banned from organizing its administrative structures under the Islamic Republic, has historically practiced internal models of gender equality and participatory governance. For over a century, women have served in elected consultative bodies and contributed equally to the spiritual and social life of the community. This longstanding, values-based commitment to justice and inclusion contrasts sharply with the community’s legal and ideological marginalization. It is a reminder that alternative civic cultures can persist and evolve even without formal recognition, offering rich models for imagining a more inclusive and pluralistic national future.

These themes also emerge in “The Role of Iranian Citizenry in Aram Hessami’s Two Three Words”, where citizenship is framed as a shared moral undertaking. However, for this transformation to succeed, gender must not be reduced to a new dividing line. Zan must be seen not as a rival identity but as an integral force in rebuilding a just republic. Gender justice should strengthen, not fracture, the civic imagination.

If Zan demands Zendegi and Azadi, she has carried the weight of hope and oppression for generations. Her journey is Iran’s civic journey.

Further Reading & Watching

Explore these featured materials from the Iran 1400 Project for deeper insight:


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Vafa Mostaghim is a journalism professional and media analyst with over two decades of experience in strategic communication, media studies, and discourse analysis. He holds a B.S. in Advertising and Marketing Communications and an M.A. in Strategic Communications, combining academic expertise with practical experience in persuasive communication and discourse analysis.

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